Some Christians might welcome the significant increase in gambling taxes which will bring in relatively little revenue. However, even if we regard gambling as an “occasion of sin” (to use the Catholic terminology), it does not follow that governments should tax or regulate it more. And taxes in this area can lead to serious problems of black markets as well as landing squarely on the shoulders of the less-well-off.
One of the reasons for a succession of budgets which have involved tinkering around the edges is that the level of debt and social spending on the growing elderly population is so high, Chancellors of the Exchequer have been focusing on shoring up revenue – or at least attempting to do so. We thus have a situation where people are simultaneously complaining about record levels of taxation; a squeeze in welfare provision to people of working age and to children; problems in the provision of public services; and rising levels of debt. And all these complaints have merit. Indeed, one of the problems is that we seem to demand incompatible policies from politicians: we should, perhaps, whatever our political sympathies, pause for a moment and empathise with politicians. Maybe we demand too much.
A time of crisis is a good time to go back to fundamentals. The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of England and Wales did that recently with the publication of Render unto Caesar. This included fine chapters by the late Richard Turnbull on scriptural perspectives on taxation and by Andrei Rogobete on taxation and the family. Below I will highlight four areas from the document which merit further reflection from Christians. I will start with a major challenge and then move on to what could, in a sense, be regarded as responses to the challenge.
The UK, in common with most other developed countries, has a historically large peacetime national debt. This is a burden we are imposing on future generations and, as Christians, we should be able to shed light on this topic. Whilst the subject is complex, it can be regarded as an injustice if a government consistently spends more than it takes in taxation without very good reason. Today, we spend the same on debt interest as we do on education and this has a real cost in terms of the tax burden on families. If the impact on disposable income leads to social conflict, government indebtedness injures the common good and human dignity. Indeed, perhaps we will misattribute blame for falling living standards to vulnerable groups such as migrants, thus undermining both the common good and the dignity of those groups.
Related to this problem of the government debt are the promises made to future generations of older people in terms of future pensions and healthcare provision. The projections of the government’s Office for Budget Responsibility suggest that our national debt will explode to around 350% of national income on current policies because of those obligations – and that is on pretty optimistic assumptions. No advanced provision was made by way of some sort of capital fund when these promises were made. It was just assumed that the number of younger people would always be sufficient to support the system. It was never realised that fertility rates might plummet, and people would live longer. These plummeting fertility rates are, in and of
themselves, something which the Church might be concerned about. Does our society support family life? We will come to that topic below.
There is no shortage of examples where the common life of society and social peace have totally broken down as a result of high levels of government indebtedness. I hope that we are not going to relive that in the West, but we might.
But what about taxation? Let us consider three areas.
It can be argued that we have a very bad and inefficient approach to climate change policy. For around 100 years, economists have favoured taxes designed to reflect environmental harms caused by consumers or producers. Interestingly, the last two popes have done so too – in papal encyclicals Laudato si and Caritas in Veritate. For example, Laudato Si’ mentions the “obligation of those who cause pollution to assume its costs”. This is a question of both distributive justice and economic efficiency. What politicians tend to do when it comes to climate change policy is to come up with incredibly complex and expensive methods of reducing carbon emissions rather ineffectively because they are frightened of the electoral consequences of explicitly taxing carbon emissions (for example by putting value added tax on domestic fuel consumption and using the revenue to reduce other taxes paid by the less well off). Once again, we should make it easier for politicians to do the right thing in this respect.
Another area which is ripe for reform is the relationship between local and central government. We cannot look through the lens of the Catholic principle of subsidiarity or the Calvinist principle of sphere sovereignty without being critical of the centralisation of government in the UK. This really involves delegation of certain powers to local authorities from central government. We must reform government so that at a variety of levels (starting with parishes and towns) local communities can have true responsibility in a whole range of areas and not just act as branch offices of national government.
Taking the principle of subsidiarity one step further, we should also ask whether we have a tax system that is designed to ensure that families can flourish. In the UK, unlike in countries such as France and Germany, the concept of the family is largely ignored in the tax system which is based on individual, and not household, income so that families where one adult undertakes caring responsibilities rather than paid work are strongly discriminated against.
The way in which the tax and welfare systems interact penalises marriage and family formation – especially for people on low incomes. Figures produced by Marriage Care show that fewer than a quarter of low earners marry. And it is at low levels of earnings that the tax and welfare system are least conducive to marriage and family life. Christian teaching on the nature of marriage and the family would suggest that our tax system is fundamentally flawed and should be reformed.
We should remember, as Christians, that our obligations to the poor do not end when we have paid our tax bill. The early Church fathers gave pretty stark warnings about the duties of the rich. Riches can be ruinous of the soul. We must use our wealth to promote the common good whether through business, philanthropy, social enterprise or otherwise. In turn, the state should not take all our wealth from us. It should tread lightly and leave room for philanthropy and civil society (including Church) solutions to poverty and the promotion of welfare. This also involves having a tax system which encourages philanthropy. As it happens, that is one thing our tax system does get right.
This article will also be posted on the blog of the Centre for Enterprise, Markets and Ethics.
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Photo Credit:
Chancellor Rachel Reeves prepares to deliver the Budget
26/11/2025. London, United Kingdom. Chancellor of Exchequer Rachel Reeves leaves 11 Downing Street as she prepares to deliver her Budget. Picture by Simon Dawson / No 10 Downing Street
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